Paper 2 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Paper 2 - Essay Example Madison talks about unity, a united country with united people, common interests, decisions, thinking and arguments. He states up to the extent. The main advantage of having a country under one body is the representatives selected are refined through a lot of people (and a lot of people deciding to cast a vote for the same person cannot be wrong). Such a medium of chosen bodies are the best in wisdom and may best discern and distinguish the true interest of the country. It would be more consonant and publically good to hire people who could translate their thinking and mind-set on a broader scale. The number of the elected representatives should not be increased as selection of a lot of people brings about trouble and selection of a few results in a disaster. You get and elect trained and practiced people who decide for your future thus taking the country to a new direction the best part about such a structure is that no one can dawn upon the other, that means no bullying can be done and no tyrant can be sustainable. Also they cannot just do wrong as they are the centre of attention of a lot of people and their every movement is being recorded. 2. Anti- Federalist paper: Brutus Brutus in the article Anti- Federalist paper states that there should be thirteen different states with an individual executive and judiciary. There shouldn’t be a single state platform forming a set of rules being enforced on the citizens irrespective of what they want and how they want. One body should not have the power to decide the future of a million people without having consent with the people would be facing the outcomes. The constitution is not a good thing in an individuals’ interest as it is aimed for a lot of people and does not cater at an individual level. A constitution for a country does not focus and target an individuals’ interest and rights. The government is a subversion of liberty by applying principles, rules and regulations, and tyrannical atr ocities; they forget who voted for them for what reason. They do not care about the people who elected them and made them the representatives of the country and apply restrictions and more rules and principles and enforce them throughout the country. It’s all about their own interests, nothing about the human nature, it’s about them when they are elected and they are chosen to be the representatives. A free republic cannot exceed to such an immense extent. They need to have subordinates who could cater every other individual and could have the info and thee details about a certain person, his problems and should be formulating or devising a solution. They have large fortunes and less moderation towards people and their interests. No time for individual district, it’s all about the country and the bodies organizing, maintaining and showing interests about them; people come in the end. They gratify their own interests and ambitions and forget that they have been e lected by these people who are (in that scenario), being betrayed. He further states that the country have independent states deciding their own future and knowing and caring about each n every group. 3. Comparison: The comparison here is of the

Nature And Purpose Of The Conceptual Framework Accounting Essay

Nature And Purpose Of The Conceptual Framework Accounting Essay Introduction The accounting conceptual framework has been criticized for not providing an adequate basis for standard setting. This inadequacy is evidenced through the FASBs standards becoming more and more rule-based. Nevertheless, no empirical evidence has been gathered to support the criticisms of the conceptual framework. We analyzed the five qualitative characteristics of accounting information from the conceptual framework in conjunction with an individuals intention to use/rely on financial statements. Using structural equation modelling, we found that only one qualitative characteristic, reliability, affected a persons intention to use financial statements. Additionally, it appears that the greatest factor that influences whether an individual rely on financial statements is their familiarity with accounting. Based on our findings, it appears that not only does the conceptual framework need to be altered, but it also needs to be changed to help create principle-based accounting standards that are useful to all people, regardless of their background. Criticism has been directed towards the Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB) for not requiring firms to report information that is interpretable and useful for financial statements users (CICA, 1980). The FASBs conceptual framework is the core in which all accounting standards are derived. Therefore, the accounting conceptual framework must embody a set of qualitative characteristics that ensure financial reporting grants users of economic statements with sufficient information for assessments. The U.S. financial accounting conceptual framework was established between late 1970s and early 1980s. Statement of Financial Accounting Concepts (SFAC) No. 2 (1980) indicates that there are five main qualitative characteristics of accounting information; understandability, relevance, reliability, comparability, and consistency. Nature and Purpose of the Conceptual Framework The conceptual frame work has some disadvantages. It is broad based in nature and principles and may not help when actually producing the financial statement. Its standards contents may conflict with those of other boards. This framework, with minor changes, still provides the basis for the FASBs standard setting today. Statement of Financial Accounting Concepts (SFAC) No. 2 (1980) develops and discusses the qualitative characteristics that make accounting information useful. SFAC No. 2 separates the qualitative characteristics as possessing either user-specific or decision-specific qualities. The overall user-specific characteristic of accounting information is that it must be understandable. Today, the accounting conceptual framework is being blamed for accounting standards becoming rule-based, which leads to the structuring of transactions (Nobes, 2005; SEC 108(d)). In fact, FASB has even acknowledged that the conceptual framework might be inadequate for current accounting standar ds (AICPA, 2002). The conceptual framework was formed with the intention of providing the backbone for principle-based accounting standards (Nobes, 2005). However, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has recently criticized the accounting standards setting board for becoming overly rules-based, which paves the way for the structuring of transactions in the companys favour (SEC 108(d)). Critics of the framework have stressed that the move towards rule-based standards are a consequence of inadequacies in the accounting conceptual foundation. Nobes (2005) argues that the need for rule-based accounting standards is a direct result of the FASB trying to force a fit between standards and a conceptual framework that is not fully developed. A coherent and strong conceptual framework is vital for the development of principle-based accounting standards and the progression towards convergence in international accounting standards. However, researchers are unaware of any empirical evidence that supports the criticisms of the current conceptual framework. Additionally, none of the critics have looked at the conceptual framework from the most important viewpoint, the users perspective. Therefore, the rationale of this paper is to practically analyze the sufficiency of the conceptual framework, from a users perspective, in relation to an individuals reliance on financial statements for decision making. We developed a survey instrument to analyze an individuals intention to rely on financial statements using Ajzens (1991) Theory of Planned Behaviour. We found that the reliability characteristic of the conceptual framework represented the only significant dimension of a persons attitude affecting their intention to rely on financial statements. However, the understandability characteristic was approaching significance. Within the context of the theory of planned behaviour, social pressures was not significant influe nce on the intention to use/rely on financial statements, yet familiarity with accounting was found to significantly influence intention. The conceptual framework and potential financial statement users intentions can be analyzed within the context of Ajzens (1991) Theory of Planned Behaviour. Ajzen (1991) indicates that empirical evidence suggests that we can determine an individuals intention to perform behaviour through analyzing their attitude, subjective norms, and perceived behavioural control. Within this perspective, we adapted Ajzens (1991) theory of planned behaviour to an individuals propensity to rely on accounting financial statements as shown in the figure below (figure 2): (Draw a figure) The purpose of this study was to provide an empirical analysis to the criticism against the FASBs conceptual framework. Our overall results suggest that the current conceptual framework does not adequately align the objectives of financing reporting with the users of financial statements. Nevertheless, available findings have some interesting implications for the conceptual framework and future standard setting. Reliability is the only qualitative characteristic that has a positive statistical significant relationship with intention. The accounting profession is facing a choice between reliability and relevance in financial reporting, as there is an inherent trade-off between reliability and relevance (Paton and Littleton, 1940; Vatter, 1947). Reliable information possesses the characteristic of objectivity and verifiability, which is associated with historical cost accounting. Relevance, on the other hand, pertains to any information that will influence the users financial decision. Many times the most relevant information is often current or prospective in nature. Thus, we cannot have accounting information that maximizes the characteristics of both relevant and reliable because relevant information is not always verifiable. We would have expected to see relevance as a significant factor in users intention to use financial statements since the recent accounting standards have moved toward fair value accounting measures, which are considered to be more relevant than reliable information (Ciesielski Weirich, 2006). However, our results show that reliability is a significant factor. The current accounting curriculum could be the cause of our results since it is rooted in Paton and Littletons historical cost approach, which focuses on reliability of information. In the context of the Theory of Planned Behaviour, we found that familiarity to be a statistically significant factor to an individuals intention to use financial statements. Thus, as an individual becomes more familiar with financial statements, he or she is more likely to have the intention to use or rely on them when making decision. An ANOVA analysis provides further support for this as it indicates that intention to use or rely on financial statements is significantly different between accounting majors and non-accounting majors. This provides evidence that accounting could be becoming too difficult for individuals who are not proficient in accounting to understand. It appears that the movement towards rule-based accounting standards could be a contributing cause of this disparity in intention. That is, the accounting standards have become so technical upon their execution that the average reader of accounting can no longer discern the main objective of each financial statement element. This finding is troubling to accounting since it contradicts the primary objective of accounting, which is to offer practical book-keeping information for judgment making. Book-keeping information should be useful for all people who want to use it rather than only being useful to those who understand it. Additionally, under no circumstances, should accounting information provide an advantage to individuals who happen to be experts within the field. Accounting should be a tool and not a barrier At the-present, the accounting profession is grappling with a problem, which it has identified as the need for a conceptual framework of accounting. This framework has been painstakingly developed over centuries, and it is merely the professions task to fine tune the existing conceptual framework because of the need for continual development due to changing conditions. This conceptual framework has never been laid out in explicit terms; consequently, it is continually overlooked. A conceptual framework has been described as a constitution, an articulate arrangement of interconnected objectives and rudiments that can guide to reliable standards and that stipulates the character, purpose, and confines of financial book-keeping and fiscal statements. For many accountants, the conceptual framework project is difficult to come to grips with because the subject matter is abstract and accountants are accustomed to dealing with specific problems. In resolving those problems, accountants may unconsciously rely on their own conceptual frameworks, but CPAs have not previously been called on to spell out their frameworks in systematic, cohesive fashion so that others can understand and evaluate them. It is essential that a framework be expressly established so that the FASB and those evaluating its standards are basing their judgments on the same set of objectives and concepts. An expressly established framework is also essential for preparers and auditors to make decisions about accounting issues that are not specifically covered by FASB standards or other authoritative literature. It is considered that if the conceptual framework makes sense and leads to relevant information, and if financial statement users make the necessary effort to fully understand it, their confidence in financial statements and their ability to use them effectively will also be enhanced. No one who supports the establishment of a conceptual framework should be labouring under the illusion that such a framework will automatically lead to a single definitive answer to every specific financial accounting problem. A conceptual framework can only provide guidance in identifying the relevant factors to be considered by standard setters and managers and auditors in making the judgments that are inevitable in financial reporting decisions. A Classical Model of Accounting: The Framework Expanded Historically, the particularized information, which constituted the emergence of accounting, was embedded in a framework for control of human behaviour. With the advent of exchange replacing a sustenance society, and with exchange ultimately producing a private economy, accounting derived its second, and in modern times considered its most important, function as a planning instrument. The classical model simply states that behavioural patterns do exist in the structural development of accounting; that is, given a stimulus there will be a response which is direct reaction (an expected reaction) to that stimulus. One can relate this model to the classical model in economics, in which supply and demand for a commodity react in an expected manner due to a change in price. Figure 3 is a geometric illustration of the classical model. The special features of the model are: (a) Stimulus (S) = Demand; Response (R) = Supply (b) Equilibrium (E) = Stimulus = Response (c) Environmental Condition (EC) = Price (d) Accounting Concept (AC) = Product A Test of the Validity of the Model If the classical model does exist in accounting, the historical observations (see table I) should then bear testimony to its existence. The evidence to support this model is purely historical. However, no parallel should be drawn between this thesis (stimulus/Response) and Toynbees (1946, 88) line of inquiry: Can we say that the stimulus towards civilization grows positively stronger in proportion as the environment grows more difficult? Consequently, the criticism directed at his work should not be considered even remotely as applicable to this inquiry (Walsh 1951, 164-169).On the other hand, only in the extreme can the accusation levelled at Kuhn [1962] be directed here, that the conceptual framework (classical model of accounting) as presented may subsume too many possibilities under a single formula (Buchner 1966, 137). More appropriately, this study is undertaken along the lines suggested by Einthoven (1973, 21): Accounting has passed through many stages: These phases have been largely the responses to economic and social environments. Accounting has adapted itself in the past fairly well to the changing demands of society. Therefore, the history of commerce, industry and government is reflected to a large extent in the history of accounting. What is of paramount importance is to realize that accounting, if it is to play a useful and effective role in society, must not pursue independent goals. It must continue to serve the objectives of its economic environment. The historical record in this connection is very encouraging. Although accounting generally has responded to the needs of its surroundings, at times it has appeared to be out of touch with them. The purpose of this line of inquiry is to put into perspective concepts which have emerged out of certain historical events. (In this treatise, accounting concepts are considered to be interlocking with accounting measurement and communication processes; thus, whenever the term concept is used herein, it is to be understood that accounting measurement and communication processes are subsumed under this heading.) These concepts collectively constitute, or at least suggest, a conceptual framework of accounting. The classical model is postulated as follows: For any given environmental state, there is a given response function which maximizes the prevailing socio-economic objective function. This response function cannot precede the environmental stimulus but is predicated upon it; when such response function is suboptimal, the then existing objective function will not be maximized. In a dysfunctional state, a state in which environmental stimulus is at a low level a level below pre-existing environmental stimuli, disequilibrium would ensue. In any given environment, the warranted response may be greater or less than the natural or actual response. When environmental stimuli cease to evoke response, then the socio-economic climate will be characterized by stagnation as the least negative impact of disequilibrium conditions, and decline when such environmental stimuli are countercyclical. Stage 1 In this period, (1901 to 1920) the environmental stimulus was corporate policy of retaining a high proportion of earnings [(Grant 1967, 196-197); (Kuznets 1951, 31); (Mills 1935, 361,386-187)]. This period is the beginning of corporate capitalism. The term corporate capitalism is used because it emphasizes the role in capital formation which corporations have ascribed to themselves. Hoarding of funds by corporations has reduced the role and importance of the primary equity securities market. The resource allocation process has been usurped by corporations (Donaldson 1961, 51-52, 56-63). The implication of such a condition is accentuated in the following statement: It is the capital markets rather than intermediate or consumer markets that have been absorbed into the infrastructure of the new type of corporation. (Rumelt 1974, 153). The hard empirical evidence of this condition was revealed by several tests of the Linter Dividend Model, which maintains that dividends are a function of profit, and are adjusted to accommodate investment requirements [(Kuh 1962, 48); (Meyer and Kuh 1959, 191); (Brittain 1966, 195); (Dhrymes and Kurz 1967, 447)]. Given the new role assumed by the corporation in capital formation, the investment community (investing public) became concerned with the accounting measurement process. The accounting response was verifiability (auditing) to demonstrate the soundness of the discipline. Productivity of existing measurements had to be verified to satisfy the investors and creditors. The Companies Act 1907 required the filing of an audited annual balance sheet with the Registrar of Companies [(Freer 1977, 18); (Edey and Panitpadki 1956, 373); (Chatfield 1956, 118)]. Thus, auditing became firmly established. The function of auditing measurements is the process of replication of prior accounti ng. Accounting is differentiated from other scientific disciplines in this aspect of replication. Replication is a necessary condition in sound disciplines; however, replication is generally undertaken in rare instances. In accounting, on the other hand, replication is undertaken very frequently for specified experiments business operations at the completion of the experiments business (operating) cycle. These experiments business operations, cover one year; at the end of the year, the experiments are reconstructed on a sampling basis. Auditing is the process by which replication of accounting measurements are undertaken. Publicly held and some privately held corporations are required to furnish audited annual financial statements which cover their business activities on an annual basis. Stage 2- This period, (1921 to 1970) witnessed the reinforcement of corporate retention policy. This condition shifted the emphasis of the investor to focus on the Securities market in the hope of capital gains, because of the limited return on investment in the form of dividends. Indubitably, investors concern was shifted to market appreciation through stock price changes reflecting the earnings potential of the underlying securities (Brown 1971, 36-37, 40-41, and 44-51). With the securities market valuation of a companys share (equity) inextricably linked to the earnings per share, the emphasis is placed on the dynamics of accounting as reflected in the income statement. The Companies Act of 1928 and 1929 explicitly reflect this accounting response by requiring an income statement as a fundamental part of a set of financial statements [(Freer 1977, 18); (Chatfield 1974, 118)]; although an audit of such statement was not explicitly stipulated, it was implied. The accounting response of this period is extension of accounting disclosure [(Chatfield 1974, 118); (Blough 1974, 4-17)].The Wall Street Crash of 1929 and subsequent market failures constitutes the environmental stimulus. In the U.S.A., the Securities Act of 1933 and then the Securities and Exchange Act of 1934 were enacted, providing for a significant involvement of the government in accounting. Stage 3- This period is characterized by the social awareness that business as well as government must be held socially accountable for their actions. Business can transfer certain costs to other segments of society, thus business benefits at the expense of society; and government can not only squander hard earned dollars but through its policies affect adversely the welfare of various segments of society. This awareness is epitomized in the thesis posited by Mobley [1970, 763]: The technology of an economic system imposes a structure on its society which not only determines its economic activities but also influences its social well-being. Therefore, a measure limited to economic consequences is inadequate as an appraisal of the cause-effect relationships of the total system; it neglects the social effects. The environmental stimulus of corporate social responsibility evoked the accounting response of socio-economic accounting a further extension of accounting disclosure. The term socio-economic accounting gained prominence in 1970, when Mobley broadly defined it as the ordering, measuring and analysis of the social and economic consequences of governmental and entrepreneurial behaviour. Accounting disclosure was to be expanded beyond its existing boundaries beyond the normal economic consequences to include social consequences as well as economic effects which are not presently considered (Mob1ey 1970, 762). Approaches to dealing with the problems of the extension of the systemic information are being attempted. It has been demonstrated that the accounting framework is capable of generating the extended disclosures on management for public scrutiny and evaluations [(Charnels, Co1antoni, Cooper, and Kortanek 1972); (Aiken, Blackett, Isaacs 1975)]. However, many measurement problems have been exposed in this search process for means to satisfy the systemic information requirement of this new environmental stimulus [(Estes 1972, 284); (Francis 1973)]. Welfare economics, as a discipline, has always been concerned with the social consequences of governmental and entrepreneurial actions, but the measurement and communication problems are, and always have been that of the discipline of accounting (Linowes 1968; 1973). The Conceptual Framework: A Continuing Process Presented above, the stimulus/response framework exhibiting structural adequacy, internal consistency and implemental practicality has demonstrated, unequivocally, its effectiveness over the centuries. The systemic information of financial accounting is the connective tissue of time in a financial perspective. The systemic information of managerial accounting is non-connective, but rather reflects events in a decision-making perspective. This can be best illustrated in the table below: (Draw a table) The process of concept-formation is a special type of learning. The formation takes time and requires a variety of stimuli and reinforcements. The process is never fully determinate for even when the concept is well, it can suffer neglect or inhibition and it can be revived by further reinforcement or modified by new stimulation (Emphasis added.) (Meredith; 1966, 79-80). A body of concepts and interlocking measurement and communication processes (types of information stocks and flows; constraints on information allowable values and methods of measurement; media of communication quantitative and qualitative) has been developed over the centuries. This set of concepts and interlocking measurement and communication processes has emerged as responses to specific stimuli at specific points in time to satisfy specific information needs. It is this body of concepts and interlocking measurement and communication processes, which is subject to amplification and modification that constitutes the conceptual framework of accounting. Possibly, with other modifications or amplifications deemed necessary, the conceptual framework as presented above can serve as an expressly established framework to enable preparers and auditors to make decisions, which would conform and be upheld, about accounting issues that are not specifically covered by FASB standards or authoritative literature. A conceptual framework is necessary because in the first place, to be constructive, paradigm setting must develop and connect to a reputable body of perceptions and objectives. A severely developed theoretical outline should facilitate the FASB to issue additional functional and reliable standards in due course. A coherent set of principles and regulations should be the outcome, since they would be constructed upon a similar basis. The framework should augment fiscal statement users indulgence of and self-assurance in economic reporting, and it has to improve comparability amongst companies fiscal reports. Secondly, latest and emerging realistic problems ought to be more rapidly unravelled by reference to an existing outline of fundamental supposition. It is complicated, if not unfeasible, for the FASB to recommend the appropriate accounting action promptly for circumstances like this. Accountants in practice, nevertheless, ought to resolve such exertions on a routine basis. With the application of excellent verdict and with the facilitation of a commonly acknowledged conceptual scaffold, practitioners may discharge certain options promptly and then centre their attention on a tolerable dealing. Over the years various associations, commissions, and concerned persons developed and printed their personal theoretical frameworks. However, no particular framework was unanimously acknowledged and relied on practically. Identifying the necessity for a commonly acknowledged structure, the FASB in 1976 initiated effort to construct a conceptual structure that would possibly be a foundation for setting book-keeping principles and for reconciling fiscal reporting disagreements. The FASB has given out six Statements of Financial Accounting Concepts that recount to monetary reporting for commerce schemes. These include: 1, Objectives of Financial Reporting by Business Enterprises, that presents objectives and intentions of book-keeping. 2, Qualitative Characteristics of Accounting Information, that inspects the descriptions that make book-keeping information helpful. 3, Elements of Financial Statements of Business Enterprises, that offer descriptions of objects in economic statements, for instance, revenues, assets, expenses and liabilities. 4, Recognition and Measurement in Financial Statements of Business Enterprises, that lays down elementary acknowledgment and dimension standards and direction on the kind of information that should be officially integrated into economic assertions and at what time. 5, Elements of Financial Statements, which substitutes number 3 and increases its extent to comprise non-profit institutes.6, Using Cash Flow Information and P resent Value in Accounting Measurements, that gives a structure for using probable expectations of cash flows and outline principles as a foundation for measurement. The figure below is an overview of the conceptual framework. (Diagram) In the initial stage, the purposes classify the aspirations and rationale of book-keeping. Ideally, book-keeping principles developed with accordance to a theoretical structure will upshot in book-keeping reports that are extra helpful. At the subsequent stage are the qualitative descriptions that make book-keeping information functional and the essentials of monetary report, that is, liabilities, assets, among others. In the third stage are the dimension and acknowledgment perceptions employed in instituting and affecting book-keeping principles. These conceptions include suppositions, ideologies, and restrictions that illustrate the current reporting atmosphere. First Level: Basic Goals The major goals of monetary reporting are to give information which is: (1). Helpful to those concerned with the creation of savings and credit judgment and have a sensible perception of commerce and financial performance. (2). Useful to current and prospective financiers, creditors, as well as other users in gauging the quantities, instances, and ambiguity of prospective cash flows and (3). Concerns financial capital, claims to such possessions, and the adjustments in them. The goals consequently, begin with a broad concern regarding information that is valuable to financier and creditor assessments. That apprehension constricts to the financiers and creditors concern in the outlook of accepting cash from their investments or credits to commerce ventures. Ultimately, the goals centre on the monetary declarations that provide information useful in the assessment of prospective cash flows to the business enterprise. This advancement is known as judgment effectiveness. It has been said that the golden rule is the central message in many religions and the rest is elaboration. Similarly, decision usefulness is the message of the conceptual framework and the rest is amplification. In giving information to users of monetary reports, general-purpose financial statements are prepared. These reports give the most helpful information feasible at negligible expenditure to diverse consumer groups. Principal to these goals is the conception that consumers require logical acquaintance of commerce and economic book-keeping issues to comprehend the facts contained in economic reports. This fact is essential. It implies that in the groundwork of monetary statements, a stage of rational proficiency on the part of consumers can be alleged. This has an effect on the method and the scope to which data is accounted for. Second Level: Fundamental Concepts The objectives of the first level are concerned with the purposes and intentions of book-keeping. Between the second and third levels, it is essential to give particular theoretical construction blocks that elucidate the qualitative descriptions of book-keeping knowledge and describe the essentials of monetary reports. These theoretical construction blocks outline a connection involving the why of book-keeping (the goals) and the how of book-keeping (acknowledgment and capacity). Qualitative Descriptions of Book-keeping Facts Deciding on a suitable accounting technique, the quantity and kinds of facts to be revealed, and the layout in which data ought to be presented entails establishing which option provides the most helpful information for assessment making intentions (judgment convenience). The FASB has recognized the qualitative descriptions of book-keeping facts that differentiate enhanced (extra valuable) facts from substandard (less valuable) facts for assessment creation intentions. Additionally, the FASB has acknowledged particular restrictions (cost-benefit and materiality) as a component of the conceptual structure. The descriptions might be analysed as a hierarchy. Assessment Creators (Users) and Understandability The makers of judgement differ extensively in the nature of assessments they formulate, the way they formulate these assessments, the facts they already have and any other relevant information that they may acquire from their own trusted sources, and their aptitude to process the facts. For knowledge to be helpful there ought to be a correlation (relationship) involving these consumers and the judgment they create. This connection, understandability, is the eminence of facts that authorizes realistically knowledgeable users to distinguish its connotation. To demonstrate the significance of this connection; suppose that IBM Corp. gives a three-month income statement (interim statement) that illustrates temporary income way down. This statement gives appropriate and dependable facts for assessment creation intentions. A number of users, upon evaluation of the statement, choose to retail their stock. While others do not comprehend the content and importance of the report, they are aston ished when IBM proclaims a lesser year-end share and the worth of the stock turns down. Therefore, even though the facts presented were exceedingly appropriate and consistent, it was futile to those who did not comprehend it. Prime Qualities: Reliability and Relevance Importance and dependability are the two major virtues that make book-keeping information helpful for assessment making. As assured in FASB Concepts Statement No. 2, the qualities that distinguish bet

The First Jump Essay -- Personal Narrative Sky Diving Essays

The First Jump My first jump out of an airplane on December 17, 1999 was the most exciting experience of my life. I had been anticipating this day since some point when I was a little kid and saw a skydiver on TV for the first time, at which time I promised myself that I would let nothing stop me from jumping out of a plane sometime before I die. It was the first time I had been in a small airplane since I was a young child. From shortly after I was born until I was seven years old, I had flown in my father's Cessna 150 countless times, so I have always felt comfortable flying in airplanes, but I always had a small fear of heights; the kind of heights where there is nothing around you to keep you from falling off. The aircraft that we were to jump out of was a Cessna 182- a commonly used five-person, high-wing, single engine airplane. The interior of this particular plane was not much to speak of. All of the upholstery had been removed, as were all the seats (except for the pilot's seat, of course). That was okay though. This plane is used for skydiving, not first-class passenger transportation. As we were climbing to 3,500 feet, I was experiencing the most exciting yet nervous point in my life. I had been looking forward to this day for a long time and there I was sitting in the back of that small aircraft, waiting to take the plunge of my life while nervously taking turns looking at the little needle on my wrist altimeter and glancing out the window, looking at everything on the ground getting smaller, anxiously reviewing the jump routine over and over in my head, â€Å"arch one-thousand, look one-thousand, reach one-thousand, pull one-thousand.† Since this was going to be a static-line jump, there was not a real ripcord to pull because the canopy would deploy automatically, but we were equipped with a dummy ripcord so that we would learn the proper free-fall technique. At about three-thousand three-hundred feet, the jumpmaster hollered â€Å"one minute to jump,† and opened the cabin door. It was me and two other beginners on board, Jennifer and Susan. Since Jennifer was the first to go, she was already sitting by the door, facing aft of the aircraft. When the door flung open and the air came rushing in, Jennifer took a quick glance at the ground and her eyes grew huge. At this time, I was going over the exit routine in my head. â€Å"Wait for the ju... ...went out the window and was replaced with "oh shit, oh shit, oh shit!" Instead of arching my back with my arms and legs spread out like I was supposed to do, I instinctively tried to "swim" back to the aircraft. With my arms and legs flailing all over the place, I flipped and flopped through the thin air until my chute opened about five seconds after leaving the airplane. The momentum of my spinning body caused my lines to twist when my canopy deployed. Not a big deal. They taught us how to deal with this during ground instruction. I pulled my lines apart and kicked my way out of it. Having successfully left the plane with my chute open and my lines untwisted, I breathed the biggest sigh of relief that I had ever breathed in my entire life. The ride down was extraordinary. The only problem was that I had gotten so caught up in the moment that I had pretty much forgotten to steer the chute toward the airport until I was about two-hundred feet above the ground. Luckily, I barely made it back into the airport, but landed in some mud about three-hundred yards from the X that I was supposed to be aiming for. Oh, well. I knew that next time, I'd make it a lot closer to that X.

Point of View in Toni Cade Bambara’s “The Lesson” Essay

Point of view is an essential element to a reader’s comprehension of a story. The point of view shows how the narrator thinks, speaks, and feels about any particular situation. In Toni Cade Bambara’s â€Å"The Lesson,† the events are told through the eyes of a young uptown girl named Sylvia. The reader gets a limited point of view because the events are told strictly by Sylvia. This fact can influence the reader to see things just as she does. The strong language gives a unfamiliar reader an illustration of how people in the city speak. Bambara does this to show a different kind of life that may be new to the reader and may aid in the comprehension of the street life. The reader gets a sense of Sylvia’s personality in the very beginning of the story as she talks about Miss Moore. Sylvia’s opinion of her is not one of fondness. She says that she hates Miss Moore as much as the â€Å"winos who pissed on our handball walls and stand up on our hallways and stairs so you couldn’t halfway play hide-and-seek† (307). By comparing the hatred to something she enjoys, we see what a kid in the slums does for fun. Sylvia feels that Miss Moore always plans â€Å"boring-ass things for us to do† (307). Miss Moore seems to be different from what Sylvia is use to. Sylvia harps on the fact that Miss Moore is educated. This shows that Sylvia is not use to being around educated people. She dislikes the fact that Miss Moore is a woman with â€Å"nappy hair and proper speech with no makeup†(307). Sylvia continues to describe her as a â€Å"nappy head bitch and her goddamn college degree† and would rather do things that are fun instead of listening to her. Miss Moore attempts to teach the children about the difference of how some people spend money. Sylvia feels insulted and thinks Miss Moore is calling them â€Å"retards† when she asks the group do they know what money is. The first lesson is to figure out how much of a tip they are suppose to leave the cab driver. Sylvia wants to keep the money and jump out of the cab and spend the money on some barbeque. Theft seems to be a common feature within the group. Later, when they are at the store, Sugar asks â€Å"can we steal† (308). Miss Moore shows the kids the prices of several objects and they are amazed at some of the costs. They try to figure out how long they could save up to buy things such as a thirty five-dollar birthday clown. The children think about how thirty-five dollars would be used to buy necessities instead of luxuries. The kids think that only white people would buy the objects that they see. Rosie Giraffe says that â€Å"white folks† are crazy in the way they spend money. This exemplifies the difference in the standard of living from one part of society to another. Ultimately, Bambara wants to show the reader that there is a different view of life through the eyes of someone from the city. The attitude of Sylvia and her friends is an attribute to their surroundings. The lesson that they learn is one that the reader receives also. Bambara shows how some people can spend money on items that seem unimportant to the kids. Sylvia appears to brush off the whole experience by constantly criticizing Miss Moore and thinking negative thoughts of her. In the end, the reader can see that Sylvia has soaked up some of the events and wants to strive to have some of the finer things. The fact that â€Å"ain’t nobody gonna beat me at nuthin† shows that Sylvia is going to be the best of anything she pursues (312). Bambara wants the reader to see that there is another type of lifestyle in the city. It is not to belittle Sylvia and her peers just to show that there is a difference of values. In this novel, that value is the difference of spending money.

Is Warfare in Nature of Man? Essay

War has always been a companion of man and a part of human existence. In the human history only few years have been absolutely peaceful when all peoples of the globe lived in friendship or at least without conflicts. Already the fist weapons, invented by man, could be used as weapons of war. So war can be called an attribute of humans same as mind, or ability to walk on two legs. A question whether war is caused by inborn or social determinants is, perhaps, as old as history. Once more it has been addressed by Margaret Meade in her â€Å"Warfare: An Invention – Not a Biological Necessity†. She argues, that primitive indigenous societies have no idea of warfare and puts in the Eskimos as example. So she believes, that war is a matter of social existence and humans have invented war in the course history just as they invented a wheel. Under Meade, humans have no inborn tendency to war and there are no objective factors for a war to arise. War as she puts it, is a method invented to resolve conflicts, equal to other conflicts resolution methods such as courts and negotiations. This paper is to contest such position and prove, that war is in fact in the nature of man and it is inevitable for man, so it is impossible to speak of war as of invention. It will review some of Meade’s arguments and evaluate them using academic papers, that disagree with Mead’s position. The final thesis of the paper is that WAR IN HUMAN SOCIETIES IS PRECONDITIONED BY BIOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL DETERMINANTS. War her can not be compared to other methods of conflict resolution, because it is not, or at least not only a method to resolve conflicts. War is a phenomena which exists as itself and does not result from necessity to cope with certain misunderstanding. References to some fragments of Mead’s paper shall be used in forming arguments against her theory. First and foremost it is necessary to determine the subject and find out what is war. Meade offers the following definition: â€Å"organized conflict between two groups as groups, in which each group puts an army (even if the army is only fifteen Pygmies) in the field to fight and kill, if possible, some of the members of the army of the other group† . The key word here is â€Å"conflict†. War is usually defined as an organized form of conflicts between groups. Usually such groups are represented by societies or communities, most often by peoples and nations. In his brilliant â€Å"War Before Civilization† professor Lawrence H. Keeley has calculated that 90-95% of peoples communities were once engaged to war in this or that way and many of them fought constantly . Whether war has been invented or not, those numbers suggest, that war is more usual than peace for humans. And all those wars have been caused by conflicts. In this respect war is a result of conflict and it’s embodiment but not the conflict itself. So, in order to find out what war is it is necessary to find out what conflict is and what causes it. For this paper we shall use the following definition: conflict is a discord between needs interests and values of people or between interests, needs and values of a person and the surrounding . War is a conflict between groups, so in this paper we shall speak mostly about conflicts between people, although it is often impossible to clearly distinguish them. At that terms â€Å"war† and â€Å"conflict† should not be confused, because in this paper we accept that war is not a form of conflict. War is not a discord itself, it is a result of discord, which is going to be discussed later. Scholars have proposed a number of theories to explain reasons of conflict resulting in war. They include psychological, evolutionary, sociological, anthropological, rationalist and other ones. Advocates of psychological theories such as E. F. M. Durban and John Bowlby argue that violence is inherited by man. The society oppresses violence as an inacceptable form of behavior. So war is an â€Å"outlet valve† for natural human violence. In order to justify natural violence people use to invent ideologies as causes for war. Some of the â€Å"militarists† even argue that peace does not exist at all and that what seems to be peace is nothing but a preparation to the next war period . Historical theories explain that wars result from certain conditions and are similar to traffic accidents. However, there are no rules to limit them and no system to predict them. However, social scientists criticize those theories stating that in most wars there are leaders who take a final decision about war, so wars can not be recognized purely accidental . However, it can be noticed, that decisions of leaders are taken mostly as a result of certain events and warlike leaders can hardly make people go to war, if they are strongly against fighting. Anthropological theorists, which Margaret Meade stands most close to, argue that war has appeared at some stage of civilization development, so war is culturally learned. Anthropologists reject the presence of links between different forms of violence, so war can not be compared to fighting animals or similar conflicts. War under the result of popular pressure, but it is caused exclusively by violent leaders . However, a question arises once again. If war is not in nature of man, how does war come to the nature of a leader? Sociologists have been interested in war since the early years of sociology, so they have developed their own sociological theories. Eckart Kehr and Hans-Ulrich Wehler pointed that war is a result of internationalized inner tensions inside the society, and the target for aggression is determined by international situation. So the basis for war is economic, political and social situation inside a community. In contrast, Carl von Clausewitz and Leopold von Ranke, who are also said to be advocates of sociological theories, argue, that war results from decision of statesmen, who react to certain situation in this or that way . This argument stands close to anthropological approach. There are several demographic theories about war. Malthusian theories speak that wars are caused by disproportion between growing population and lack of resources for this population. To solve the problem the community starts an expansion which results in war with the neighbors. Youth Bulge theory is more sophisticated. Under it, when a society includes a number of young and physically able young males who can’t find an occupation for themselves inside the community, those young men will fight for fortune outside the community . This phenomenon can be easily found in medieval Europe, where younger sons of the nobility had to leave their father’s estate, which must have been inherited only by the older son. No difference how they called themselves – Vikings, Crusaders or conquistadors, they went to distant lands to make war. Most of them just died, thusly solving the problem of â€Å"younger sons†, and some of them did receive a reward in form of money, new lands and glory. Evolutionary psychology theories see war as a result of evolving psychological features, including fear of being attacked and beliefs that only war can make people happy or ensure their future. This includes fear, that another group of people can be dangerous, that another group can be provoked to conflict, assertion, that other group is immoral or sinful or inherently evil, so it should be punished. Under this theory, the decision to make war can hardly be rational, and is often taken out of fear or hate . The rationalist theories assume, that both sides of conflicts have potential reasons for war which can be understood and logically predicted. Each side strives to obtain the best possible result with minimal losses. In case both parties could reasonably predict the outcome it would be better for them just to accept the results of war without suffering it’s losses. War requires both sides to accept risk. In case the desire to fight a war is stronger than fear of risk, the war is likely to emerge. Entering the war each party needs to evaluate it’s readiness to attack and it’s readiness to be attacked. Under the economic theories war results from economic competition and in peruse for new markets and natural resources. Another possible reason is defense of existing markets and trade roots. And thirdly a war may be caused by the desire of poor countries to benefit from plundering the rich countries . Other schools include Marxist and political science theories, however, their concepts of war remain undeveloped. It should be noted, that a single theory of war can hardly be created. Each particular war is explained by it’s own reasons. Colonial wars are explained by economic theories, and the conquests of Genghis Khan fall under anthropological and demographic theories. An overview has been provided not to choose the best theory, but to find out how each theory supports or contradicts the thesis of Margaret Meade and the thesis of this paper. Meade argues, that since there are peoples, which are unfamiliar with the idea of war itself, even defensive war, it is necessary to speak of war as invention. She states that: â€Å"The CASE FOR warfare is much clearer because there are peoples even today who have no warfare. Of these the Eskimos are perhaps the most conspicuous examples, but the Lepchas of Sikkim described by Geoffrey Gorer in Himalayan Village are as good. Neither of these peoples understands war, not even defensive warfare. The idea of warfare is lacking, and this idea is as essential to really carrying on war as an alphabet or a syllabary is to writing† . Under Meade, war is s ort of response to particular events in peoples tradition. War is a traditional way of settling conflicts in most of the world, and for some people it is not a traditional method, so they just do not know what is war. Meade’s point appears to be vague simply because of lack of actual evidence. She speaks, that some people do not know about war, but the only people she manages to demonstrate as proof are the Eskimos. Perhaps it is not a proof, but an exception that proves the opposite argument. And the argument is, that all peoples fight war, except for Eskimos, and this means, that Eskimos are unusual and they break a common rule. And the common rule is that war is an attribute of man. The described theories summarize different factors, but in total it should be concluded, that war is a response to the situation of conflict. This conflict can be demographic (lack of territory for the population), economic (fighting for markets) or evolutional (hate to others). Of course, there is an anthropological theory, which asserts, that for some reason peoples, which are originally peaceful, suddenly start to support violent leaders, but this theory fails to explain the reasons for such support and origin of violent leaders themselves. All the reasons for war mentioned in the theories reflect usual human reactions to conflicts. When a person has nothing to eat, he or she is likely to steal. When an entire people has nothing to eat, it will fight for food with the neighbors. When a person believes, that his neighbor is an awful criminal, he or she is likely to attack the neighbor in case he approaches, even if he came to say â€Å"hello†. When an entire people believes, that other people is insane, a war between those peoples is likely to emerge. This analogy can be applied to each and every theory. In the light of this it is necessary to specially consider new sorts of war: economic war and terrorist war. Economic wars are ideally explained by economic theories. They are fought for resources and markets. However, they include unfriendly actions and acts of violence. They may have casualties. So they are wars fought in other way. Terroristic wars are even more obvious case. They are fought under instructions of charismatic leaders and with concrete purposes, explained by theories of war. Reasons for the new sorts of war are same as for the old ones. They are results of conflicts. Upon separation of conflict and the resulting war, war becomes characterized as a response to the conflict. When groups of people find no other acceptable way to resolve the conflict, they turn to war. And the more organized the community is, the more organized it’s warfare is. This conflict is violent, because human nature is violent. This means not that violence is necessary for a man, but that violence is available for a man, and man often uses violence. It is just a part of our nature, whether we want it or not. In case it was not true, there would not be no fights of the streets and wars between peoples. But it is true, and non-violence in the society is more unusual, than violence. As soon as it is understood, that war is a VIOLENT METHOD OF RESOLVING CONFLICTS BETWEEN GROUPS OF PEOPLE it becomes obvious, that war is a natural state for a man. It has not been invented, it existed just as long, as man existed. The war took more complex forms, but it remained war. This does not mean, that wars are desirable, surely they are to be avoided at all costs. But even in case all wars are once finished this would not mean, that the war disappears. It will just not be used, but it will continue to exist inside us. Works cited: 1. Margaret Meade, Warfare is only an invention – not a biological necessity. Taken from: http://www. ppu. org. uk/learn/infodocs/st_invention. html (last viewed: October 16, 2007)2. Lawrence H. Keeley. War Before Civilization, Oxford University Press, 1996 3. Ashley Montagu, The Nature of Human Aggression, Oxford University Press, 1976 4. Azar Gat. War in Human Civilization, Oxford University Press, 2006 5. Fuller Gary: The Demographic Backdrop to Ethnic Conflict: A Geographic Overwiew, in: CIA (Ed. ): â€Å"The Challenge of Ethnic Conflict to National and International Order in the 1990s†, Washington 1995 6. Powell Robert. Bargaining Theory and International Conflict. Annual Review of Political Science 5: 1-30, 2002